Tag Archives: Rajasthan Patrika

Why ‘Rajasthan Patrika’ decided to boycott all news of Vasundhara Raje

Screenshot 2017-11-17 10.38.49

Barring honourable exceptions like The Telegraph, Calcutta, mainstream English media has happily abdicated its principal duty in a democracy: to stand up and speak truth to power; to reveal the worts; to expose the hypocrises; to oppose the brutalities.

To paraphrase L.K. Advani‘s oft-quoted comment from the Emergency era: “When asked to bend, the media crawled under the carpet.”

The language media, usually looking up to their anglicised “superiors” for direction and inspiration, is, of course, in far worse shape.

Vast swathes of “Bharat” are now serviced by newspapers and TV channels which are cheers leaders of the marauding Hindutva army, which uses a deadly concoction of delegitimisation, whataboutery, trolling, threats, intimidation and mob power to silence those who do not play along.

Rajasthan Patrika is a rare exception.

Whether out of editorial choice or commercial compulsions, the Jaipur-based group, which has been at the receiving end of arbitary ad freezes by the Narendra Modi and Vasundhara Raje governments, has put its money where its mouth is by announcing a “boycott” of news of the chief minister.

On November 16, the so-called “National Press Day”, the paper printed a blank editorial (see image, above) to oppose the BJP government’s move to gag the media. Below is editor Gulab Kothari‘s and the paper’s stand on the ‘black ordinance’.

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It is ‘lock’ until the black law remains

By GULAB KOTHARI

The Rajasthan government has surpassed even the Emergency with its black law. There were expressions of extreme disapproval across the whole country, but the government did not withdraw the law. This is some audacity prompted by the brute majority in the government!

Though it is referred to the Select (Pravar Samiti) committee, practically the law is still applicable. If desired, a journalist can test it. If he publishes the name of a corrupt officer, he will be put in prison for two years.

When that is the case, isn’t this decision of the government hoodwinking the public?

The session of the Assembly began on October 23. In the Business Advisory Committee (BAC), held after the passage of condolence messages, it was decided that both Bills, the Criminal Laws (Rajasthan Amendment) Bill, 2017 and Cr.P.C (Rajasthan Amendment), 2017 would be tabled in the Assembly for consideration on October 26.

The next day, on October 24, at the beginning of the session, the procedure should have been Question Hour, followed by Zero Hour, and then the legislative procedures.

Prior to that, the report of BAC was to be tabled in the House but during the Question Hour itself Home Minister Gulab Chand Kataria started making a statement.

The rule prescribes that there should be first the introduction of the Bill, then it should be tabled for consideration and then there should be a debate on it. Only then it should be handed over to a committee. But during the Question Hour itself, amidst the furore, a proposal was passed by voice vote and the Bill was handed over to the Select Committee.

Here, according to the rules, any member of the House can make a deemed resolution to abrogate the bill, which was placed by BJP legislator Ghanshyam Tiwari and had also been approved by the Chair. This was also overlooked. On October 24, instead of October 26, it was given to the Select Committee.

All traditions were demolished.

See how they made a mockery of the law!

Both the ordinances were tabled together in the Assembly. The rule is that if the state revises the same central law, two ordinances cannot be taken up together. One can come up for consideration only when the other is passed; such is the procedure approved by the former Assembly Speakers.

When the first bill becomes law, the discussion on the other takes place. Here the two Bills were put together on the table. Then again, in his over enthusiasm, Hon’ble Kataria ji first announced the second bill, Cr.P.C (Rajasthan Amendment), 2017, which went to the Select Committee. Now how the second Bill would be referred to the committee

Thereafter the House had to be adjourned for two hours. Again, the already announced Bill was handed over to the committee on October 25, instead of October 26– without a discussion, without a debate.

Look at it! The law itself was black and it was moved in the House by ignoring the rules and procedures. It was made to appear to the public that the law had been placed forever in the cold storage. That was not the case. It was just put on the sedatives. After waking up, it would start kicking. And the freedom of expression in a democracy would be murdered.

What path the law would take is in the womb of time.

Today, we are left with many questions. When a state government makes laws to protect its corrupt sons by keeping the judgment of the Supreme Court in the pocket, then should the debate first be on the law or on the contempt? As the dates fall, the ordinance will throttle free speech and expression.

How to get out of this?

Rajasthan Patrika is the newspaper of Rajasthan. The government did not spare any effort to paint our face dark.

Should the public accept this black law unwillingly? Should we allow the Hitler regime to prevail over democracy? The elections are away. There is a whole year ahead. It is a long time span. A lot of damage can be done in the meantime.

Rajasthan Patrika is such a seed whose fruits are dedicated to the people. Therefore, accepting the advice of our Editorial Board, the Board of Directors has decided that till the Chief Minister, Vasundhara Raje, does not take back this black law, Rajasthan Patrika will not publish any news of hers or those related to her.

This is a matter of democracy, of free expression and of the pride of people’s mandate. Hope the blessings of the public will be with us as it has been the case always. Victory to India! Victory to democracy!!

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The media Marwari who’s a ‘proper Tam-Brahm’

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After a long period away from the arclights, Viveck Goenka, the scion of one of India’s most influential newspapers, The Indian Express, is slowly bouncing into the main frame.

He is now playing an increasingly hand’s-on role at his own paper, making key decisions; is seen at media events, is making his presence felt on industry bodies—and is starting to give interviews.

In his first formal powwow in 20 years, in a special issue on Marwaris in the business magazine Forbes India, the chairman of the Express group, talks fondly of his grandfather, the late Ramnath Goenka, and even poses with his son Anant Goenka in a photograph (above) in the paper’s presses.

Viveck Goenka tells Forbes India:

# “Ramnathji taught us never to compromise on editorial values and freedom… to be fearless and not to be aligned to any political party. I have had a whole lot of people threatening me.”

# “There was one thing clear about Ramnathji. ‘If I have an end-goal, I don’t care how I reach that…’ I agree with him but not everyone does.”

# “I see myself as a proper Tamilian Brahmin [Goenka grew up in Tamil Nadu], that’s my upbringing.”

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The chairperson and editorial director of Hindustan Times, Shobhana Bhartia; Subhash Chandra and his son Punit Goenka of Zee; Gulab Kothari and his sons Nihar Kothari and Siddharth Kothari of Rajasthan Patrika, are the other media Marwaris featured.

The interviews give an inside view of the austere and conservative business and management ethic of the original media Marwaris, which later generations are eagerly dismantling.

# Shobhana Bhartia: “When we started innovative advertisements, my father [K.K. Birla] was taken aback. ‘No, we can’t do this. You can’t affect page one, can’t place something in the middle of it.’ I can understand that his generation was not used to these things. He felt colour pages would be more like a comic book.”

# Anant Goenka: “[As a Marwari, I have] an inherent drive to spend wisely and to build wealth. Whether large or small, [the 2,500 sq ft bachelor pad he bought after running up hefty hotel bills] is our own. It’s a Marwari thing. We are obsessed with appreciation.”

# Punit Goenka: “It is clear that we are in the business to make money; we are not here for charity or for building power or influence.”

# Gulab Kothari: “If you borrow money for growth, I believe you can’t reverse that decision. The question is, do I give my children 100 per cent of the business or leave them to deal with an outsider who I sold a stake to? My view is, expand less and gradually… we don’t need to jump the gun by taking debt.”

The Marwaris who own The Times of India group, Dainik Bhaskar and Dainik Jagran “did not participate in the story or were not available”.

Photograph: courtesy Forbes India

Also readWhen Samir served a thali, Vineet served a scoop

‘Zee is the only news channel making money’

Kuldip Nayar on Shekhar Gupta, N. Ram & Co

Kuldip Nayar, 89, the grand old lion of Indian journalism—former editor of the Statesman in Delhi, former managing editor of the United News of India news agency, former correspondent of the London Times, former media advisor to the late prime minister Lal Bahadur Shastri, former high commissioner of India to the United Kingdom, and above all a secular, liberal peace monger—has just published his memoirs.

Titled Beyond the Lines (Roli Books, Rs 495), the book brings home a man who can legitimately claim to have seen Mahatma Gandhi at prayer, quizzed Jawaharlal Nehru, watched Mohammed Ali Jinnah closely, worked with Shastri and Govind Ballabh Pant, all figures who are part of history books to whole generations.

The book also throws light on Nayar, the lionhearted journalist who opposed the Emergency and rubbed shoulders with generations of journalists and proprietors:

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SHANTI PRASAD JAIN, The Times of India: T.T. Krishmachari was still in the cabinet when Shastri assigned to me the task of findings out from Shanti Prasad Jain whether he would be willing to sell Bennett Coleman, which published the Times of India, Nav Bharat Times and other publications. They were being run by a board that the government had appointed when TTK told Nehru that the owners had been found indulging in malpractices.

Shanti Prasad and his talented wife, Rama Jain, were known to me as we played bridge together. Shanti Prasad had told me to start a Hindi UNI service which he promised to subsidize. I was embarrassed to have to carry Shastri’s message to him. He was upset. He told me that even if he had to sell all his business, including the house in which he was living, he would never sell the Times of India. Shastri returned Bennett Coleman to him.

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C.R. IRANI, The Statesman: I was unhappy in the Statesman. Irani had reduced me to the position of consulting editor from resident editor. He then wanted me to vacate my room as well, and asked me to sit somewhere else. Subsequently, he withdrew my peon and telephone too.

What hurt me most was that a colleague and a friend S. Nihal Singh, tried to effect the changes. It was in fact he who conveyed Irani’s decision to me. Nihal’s attitude exuded authority which was humiliating. I could understand Irani’s action but not those of Nihal who himself subsequently suffered at Irani’s hands and had to leave the Statesman.

The only person who stood by me during those days was my secretary, G. Barret. She refused to work with Nihal and preferred to stay on with me. I was reduced to writing only my weekly column, ‘Between the Lines’. Irani tried to stop that too but did not succeed because the editor N.J. Nanporia refused to permit that.

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SHEKHAR GUPTA, The Indian Express: I hired many journalists but two of the recruits, Shekhar Gupta and Madhu Kishwar, became celebrities. Shekhar Gupta called me his ‘guru’ but showed no respect when he stopped my fortnightly column. By then he had become all in all in the Express, circumstances having helped him to occupy the position of editor-in-chief. He also became abnormally affluent as well as arrogant.

I liked him when he was a simple straightforward journalist at Chandigarh. Now, Shekhar Gupta was infatuated with himself. His personal views and other considerations shaped the Indian Express which was once India’s most anti-establishment newspaper.

(Update: On its website, Roli Books has issued this clarification: “The new edition of Kuldip Nayar’s widely popular autobiography, Beyond the Lines, now comes with several changes including his remarks relating to Shekhar Gupta, Editor, the Express Group, and his reference to a former president of Sikh Student’s Union, both of which he retracted and regretted for at the launch. All subsequent editions of the book come with these changes.”)

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RAMNATH GOENKA, The Indian Express: What shocked me was that RNG removed V.K. Narasimhan, who as editor-in-chief had kept the defiant stance of the Indian Express intact, a couple of days after Indira Gandhi lost power. His name was removed from the print line and substituted by S. Mulgaonkar’s, without Narasimhan’s knowledge.

He resigned to register his protest. The entire senior editorial staff signed a petition against Goenka’s action. I was approached to sign it. I told them that I would not do so but after speaking to Goenka who was in the guest-house. I asked if the news about Narasimhan’s removal was correct.

He said he had to restore Mulgaonkar to his position to correct the wrong done to him. ‘Was it necessary to do so in the manner you have,’ I asked. He said that he should have reverted Narasimha to his original position at the Financial Express and seemed regretful.

When I told him about the revolt in the office he said they should not forget what he has gone through during the Emergency. I could see repentance on his face. He wanted me to go to Narasimhan’s house and bring him back. I went there and found him sitting in the floor having a cup of coffee his wife had prepared. I requested him to rejoin as editor of the Financial Express and assured him that RNG was apologetic.

For Narasimhan, the question of joining the Express group again did not arise. He asked me how long had I known RNG. Before I could reply, he said: ‘Kuldeep, I have known him for 30 years. Goenka has not changed. He is as selfish as ever.’

How courageous and noble a man was Narasimhan, I thought. He had no job to go to and yet took a stand whenever there was attack on his dignity. I had close relations with the Deccan Herald family and got him posted as editor-in-chief of the newspaper.

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AVEEK SARKAR, Ananda Bazaar Patrika: I resumed my syndicated weekly column, ‘Between the Lines’ after my return from the UK. Even within the brief period of a year when I was in London, Indian journalism had changed dramatically and become owner-driven.

For instance, Anand Bazar Patrika reflected Aveek Sarkar’s views. His father, Asok Sarkar, was a friend of mine so I treated Aveek like a member of the family. He once told me that he was the second most important person in West Bengal after Jyoti Basu, who was then alive.

Much earlier the Rajasthan Patrika had stopped publishing my column. The owner, R.C. Kulish, was a personal friend but could not tolerate my criticism of the BJP position. ‘I am not against Muslims and I have one servant from the community but they have to be kept in their place,’ he told me once. Never did I suspect that he would go so far as to stop the publication of the column. I vainly tried to meet him in Jaipur. Once when in the city, I learnt he was critically ill, so I went to his house and waited to see him but he refused to meet me.

In the case of Dainik Bhaskar, I stopped my columns because it refused to publish my piece on ‘paid news’. Although I did not name anyone the newspaper still refused to publish the column. I wrote a letter of protest to the owner and received no response.

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N. RAM, The Hindu: My experience with N. Ram, the editor of the Hindu was disappointing. I used to write an opinion piece for the newspaper twice a week and a human rights column once a month. He stopped them because I was a friend of Malini Parthasarthy who, along with N. Ravi, was pushed out of editorial control when they were reduced to a minority in the public limited company that the Hindu is.

Ram joined G. Kasturi and a few others to constitute a majority. Ravi, modest and unassuming, and Malini, a talented journalist, suffered the most but stoically bore the humiliation. When newspapers turn themselves into companies and the majority begins to prevail, the newspaper becomes a purely commercial proposition like any corporate house.

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SAMIR JAIN, The Times of India: Sham Lal once told me that he as the editor of the Times of India, was never rung up by Shanti Prasad Jain, the then owner of the newspaper, and that the latter did not even remotely suggest to him which line he should adopt on any particular subject. Throughout Shamlal’s long tenure, Shanti Prasad never expressed his disapproval of anything the editor wrote.

By contrast, the attitude of his son, Ashok Jain, who inherited Bennett Coleman & Co, was quite different. He was committed to commercial success and would ensure that the newspaper did not come into conflict with his business interests or those he promoted.

Girilal Jain, the then editor of the Times of India, rang me up one day to ask whether I could speak to Ashokj Jain, whom I knew well, to get Samir Jain, his son, off his back. Giri said that Ashok Jain, whatever his preferences, treated him well but Samir’s attitude was humiliating.

Inder Malhotra once recounted to me how senior journalists were made by Samir to sit on the floor in his room to write out the names of invitees on cards sent by the organization.

I flew to Bombay and spoke to Ashok who frankly said he would have no hesitation in supporting his son because the latter had increased the revenue tenfold, from Rs 8 lakhs to 80 lakhs. ‘I can hire many Giri Lal Jains if I pay more but not a Samir,’ said Ashok. I conveyed this to Giri who did not last long with the newspaper.

Photograph: courtesy Jitender Gupta/ Outlook

Cash transfer scheme is already here for journos

A preferential allotment of a house or a house site to a journalist (or media house) can now be ferreted out by an RTI application. A car or a SUV is a moving advertisement. A harmless retainership for the lawyer-son can be cruelly outed by the Niira Radia tapes. A free ride in a Reliance plane can soon be the talk of the town (wink, wink). And you can’t even pick up a stake in an IPL team without somebody noticing.

So, how do you bribe an honest, hardworking Indian journalist in the year of the lord 2011 without being seen to be bribing him/her? Jaipur Development Authority (JDA) shows the way.

Facsimile: courtesy Mail Today